Why has the Chinese government sometimes allowed and sometimes repressed nationalist, anti-foreign protests? What have been the international consequences of these choices? Anti-American demonstrations were permitted in 1999 but repressed in 2001 during two crises in US-China relations. Anti-Japanese protests were tolerated in 1985, 2005, and 2012 but banned in 1990 and 1996. Protests over Taiwan, the issue of greatest concern to Chinese nationalists, have never been allowed. To explainthis variation in China's response to nationalist mobilization, Powerful Patriots argues that Chinese and other authoritarian leaders weigh both diplomatic and domestic incentives to allow and repress nationalist protests. Autocrats may not face electoral constraints, but anti-foreign protests provide an alternative mechanism by which authoritarian leaders can reveal their vulnerability to public pressure. Because nationalist protests are costly to repress and may turn against the government, allowing protests demonstrates resolve and increases the domestic cost of diplomatic concessions. Repressing protests, by contrast, sends a credible signal of reassurance, facilitating diplomatic flexibility and signaling a willingness to spend domestic political capital for the sake of international cooperation. To illustrate the logic, the book traces the effect of domestic and diplomatic factors in China's management of nationalist protest in the post-Mao era (1978-2012) and the consequences for China's foreign relations.
nationalism, diplomacy, and the strategic logic of anti-foreign protest
Author: Jessica Chen Weiss
How do public opinion and nationalist sentiment affect the foreign policy of China and other non-democratic states? I argue that by allowing nationalist protests against foreign states, non-democratic leaders can use domestic politics for international gain. In China, anti-Japanese protests were tolerated in 1985 and 2005 but banned in 1990 and 1996. Anti-American protests were permitted in 1999 and 2003 but repressed in 2001. Similar patterns of repression and facilitation are readily apparent in Egypt, Iran, Syria, and other non-democratic regimes. Why, when, and how do authoritarian governments give their citizens a green, yellow, or red light to protest against foreign targets? I develop a theory of anti-foreign protest that suggests that Chinese and other authoritarian leaders have incentives to allow anti-foreign protests in order to gain diplomatic bargaining leverage. A large body of literature has argued that domestic constraints provide advantages in international negotiations. In particular, democratically-elected leaders often state that their hands are tied by constituents or parliamentarians who will punish them at the polls if they back down during negotiations. These potential "audience costs" represent a bargaining tool in international negotiations. Although authoritarian leaders are not constrained by the same electoral institutions, I argue that anti-foreign protests provide an alternative mechanism by which domestic politics can be leveraged in international bargaining. Because anti-foreign protests may turn against the government, allowing such protest makes it costly for the government to make diplomatic concessions and demonstrates resolve in international bargaining. To evaluate the theory and its implications, I draw upon quantitative and qualitative data gathered over 12 months of field research in China, Hong Kong, and Japan, including more than 100 interviews with government officials, nationalist activists, protest leaders and participants, and foreign policy experts. I also make use of Chinese government documents, press reports, and internet archives. Three case studies, a comparison of anti-Japanese protest in Hong Kong and mainland China, and computerized content analysis of official and commercial Chinese media provide rich support for the theory.
Predatory Regimes and Elite-Led Protests in Central Asia
Author: Scott Radnitz
Publisher: Cornell University Press
Focusing on the region of post-Soviet Central Asia, Radnitz investigates the causes of elite-led protest in nondemocratic states, where economic and political opportunities create elites who are independent of the regime, yet vulnerable to harassment.
Convergence or Divergence Between the Media and Political System?
Author: Wenfang Tang
Category: Social Science
It is widely recognised that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) uses the media to set the agenda for political discourse, propagate official policies, monitor public opinion, and rally regime support. State agencies in China control the full spectrum of media programming, either through ownership or the power to regulate. Political Communication in China examines the two factors which have contributed to the rapid development of media infrastructure in China: technology and commercialization. Economic development led to technological advancement, which in turn brought about the rapid modernization of all forms of communication, from ‘old’ media such as television to the Internet, cell phones, and satellite communications. This volume examines how these recent developments have affected the relationship between the CCP and the mass media as well as the implications of this evolving relationship for understanding Chinese citizens’ media use, political attitudes, and behaviour. The chapters in this book represent a diverse range of research methods, from surveys, content analysis, and field interviews to the manipulation of aggregate statistical data. The result is a lively debate which creates many opportunities for future research into the fundamental question of convergence between political and media regimes. This book was originally published as a special issue of the journal Political Communication.
America's Treatment of Prisoners of War from the Revolution to the War on Terror
Author: Robert Doyle
Publisher: University Press of Kentucky
Revelations of abuse at Baghdad’s Abu Ghraib prison and the U.S. detention camp at Guantánamo Bay had repercussions extending beyond the worldwide media scandal that ensued. The controversy surrounding photos and descriptions of inhumane treatment of enemy prisoners of war, or EPWs, from the war on terror marked a watershed moment in the study of modern warfare and the treatment of prisoners of war. Amid allegations of human rights violations and war crimes, one question stands out among the rest: Was the treatment of America’s most recent prisoners of war an isolated event or part of a troubling and complex issue that is deeply rooted in our nation’s military history? Military expert Robert C. Doyle’s The Enemy in Our Hands: America’s Treatment of Prisoners of War from the Revolution to the War on Terror draws from diverse sources to answer this question. Historical as well as timely in its content, this work examines America’s major wars and past conflicts—among them, the American Revolution, the Civil War, World Wars I and II, and Vietnam—to provide understanding of the United States’ treatment of military and civilian prisoners. The Enemy in Our Hands offers a new perspective of U.S. military history on the subject of EPWs and suggests that the tactics employed to manage prisoners of war are unique and disparate from one conflict to the next. In addition to other vital information, Doyle provides a cultural analysis and exploration of U.S. adherence to international standards of conduct, including the 1929 Geneva Convention in each war. Although wars are not won or lost on the basis of how EPWs are treated, the treatment of prisoners is one of the measures by which history’s conquerors are judged.
An illustrated history of the football team celebrates star players, significant moments, and key victories from the team's fifty-plus years in the NFL, in an edition updated to include recent seasons.
Focusing on the first half-century of America's independence, Smith recounts the political and military events, social and cultural movements, foreign affairs, and landmark legal decisions that marked the new country's formative years