'There is no better guide to the populist passions of the present' The New York Times Donald Trump, Silvio Berlusconi, Marine Le Pen, Hugo Chávez - populists are on the rise across the globe. But what exactly is populism? Should everyone who criticizes Wall Street or Washington be called a populist? What precisely is the difference between right-wing and left-wing populism? Does populism bring government closer to the people or is it a threat to democracy? Who are "the people" anyway and who can speak in their name? These questions have never been more pressing. In this provocative book, Jan-Werner Müller argues that at populism's core is a rejection of pluralism. Populists will always claim that they and they alone represent the people and their true interests. Contrary to conventional wisdom, populists can govern on the basis of their claim to exclusive moral representation of the people: if populists have enough power, they will end up creating an authoritarian state that excludes all those not considered part of the proper "people". Proposing a number of concrete strategies for how liberal democrats should best deal with populists, Müller shows how to counter their claims to speak exclusively for "the silent majority".
Populism is a central concept in the current media debates about politics and elections. However, like most political buzzwords, the term often floats from one meaning to another, and both social scientists and journalists use it to denote diverse phenomena. What is populism really? Who are the populist leaders? And what is the relationship between populism and democracy? This book answers these questions in a simple and persuasive way, offering a swift guide to populism in theory and practice. Cas Mudde and Cristobal Rovera Kaltwasser present populism as an ideology that divides society into two antagonistic camps, the "pure people" versus the "corrupt elite," and that privileges the general will of the people above all else. They illustrate the practical power of this ideology through a survey of representative populist movements of the modern era: European right-wing parties, left-wing presidents in Latin America, and the Tea Party movement in the United States. The authors delve into the ambivalent personalities of charismatic populist leaders such as Juan Domingo Peron, H. Ross Perot, Jean-Marie le Pen, Silvio Berlusconi, and Hugo Chavez. If the strong male leader embodies the mainstream form of populism, many resolute women, such as Eva Peron, Pauline Hanson, and Sarah Palin, have also succeeded in building a populist status, often by exploiting gendered notions of society. Although populism is ultimately part of democracy, populist movements constitute an increasing challenge to democratic politics. Comparing political trends across different countries, this compelling book debates what the long-term consequences of this challenge could be, as it turns the spotlight on the bewildering effect of populism on today's political and social life. "
-Fascism and populism are at the center of political discussions today. Although they are often conflated, they represent alternative global trajectories. This book represents a historian's inquiry into how and why fascism became linked with populism in history. Stressing the significant differences between populism as form of democracy and fascism as a form of dictatorship, From Fascism to Populism in History rethinks the conceptual and historical experiences of fascism and populism by assessing their elective ideological affinities and substantial political differences in history and theory---Provided by publisher.
Exploring the negative effects of populism, this study presents an original explanation of Greece's current political and economic failures. It argues that the sovereign debt crisis only exacerbated the malfunctioning of a democracy long ago contaminated by populist politics while also offering a more general insight into the impact of populism
A Historical, Social, and Psychological Analysis of the Phenomenon
Author: Daniele Abate
Populism is the phenomenon that is leading Western democracy towards its end.The European Community, an undesirable institution neither for Trump nor for Putin, is experiencing a phase of vulnerability that could seriously decree the disintegration of the Union.From 2017 to 2019 there will be elections in many countries of Europe, where populist parties grow on the pessimism they encourage.If Member States leave the European Union, they will not individually be able to face the challenges they have failed to face together, and every European country will be weaker.If Europe does not defeat Populism, the states of Europe will not be able to negotiate against America, Russia or China; and citizens will see their democracy supplanted by an authoritarian and non-democratic government.Who wants to vote for Populists, often does not even bother to know who they are and what they want, there are those who take advantage of the moment of difficulty in Europe to assail it with unfounded criticism and promises, without proposing anything concrete or better.What is Populism? What are its causes, its strategies, and its effects?How do you fool individuals? What should individuals understand to get rid of Populism and rediscover the value of Democracy when Democracy needs more than ever to keep its people together?
Bachelor Thesis from the year 2006 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Region: Western Europe, grade: 1,7, University of Nottingham, 47 entries in the bibliography, language: English, abstract: This dissertation aims at applying the theoretical concepts of populism and Euroscepticism to two special cases in the Netherlands - the rise and fall of the Dutch populist Pim Fortuyn in 2002 and the Nee-Campaign against the European Constitutional Treaty in 2005. Fortuynism must be understood on the background of modernisation, globalisation, Europeanisation and the consensual politics of the Dutch violet coalition that was the precondition for Fortuyn's success. This dissertation will also explain the effect of populism on democracies in general and the impact of Fortuynism after Fortuyn's sudden death on the Dutch political system. Only three years after Fortuyn's death another populist movement appeared. The Dutch Nee- Campaign against the European Constitutional Treaty topicalised Fortuyn's issues - asylum and immigration policy - alongside with creating a fear of losing the Dutch's national identity to mobilise the people against the Constitutional Treaty. Once again the Dutch government did not know how to react and initialised its own "Yes"-Campaign in favour of the Constitutional Treaty too late to reach and inform the people. As a logical consequence the result of the referendum with a serious turn out rate was opposed to the Constitutional Treaty. What do those developments indicate for the Netherlands future within Europe? Can other populist movements arise as easily as Fortuynism or will the government finally learn its lesson and overcome the distance to its people?