In the 1940s, living through yet another cycle of violent global turmoil, policymakers in Washington and other major Western capitals finally decided that enough was enough. They recognized that the horrors of the first half of the twentieth century had emerged because their countries had hunkered down in the face of economic and geopolitical crisis, passing the buck rather than fighting together against their common enemies. So they swore not to repeat their mistakes and designed a postwar order based on mutually beneficial cooperation rather than self-interested competition. They linked their countries to one another in international institutions, trade agreements, and military alliances, betting that they would be stronger together. And they were correct: backed by extraordinary and enduring American power, the system they created has flourished and endured, underwriting seven decades of progress, great-power peace, and economic growth. Today, however, for the first time since then, the United States has a leader who does not appear to understand what the order is or why it is a good thing, seeing international politics and economics in zero-sum terms instead. This has caused consternation in many quarters, because most responsible public officials in most countries in the order- including the United States-fear that if the White House tries to turn its more extreme ideas into policy, the entire system on which global security, stability, and prosperity is based would collapse. Nobody knows what's going to happen next. But to set the stage for the ensuing drama, Foreign Affairs offers this biography of the liberal order's life to date, so readers can understand the stakes.
First published in 1998, this volume emerged in the light of the resurgence of militant nationalism and racism since liberalism’s alleged triumph in 1989. We have to ask whether liberalism represents a bulwark against these deformations, or whether it is in fact their harbinger. Central themes explored in this interdisciplinary collection are: ¢ the position of the Romani, especially in central and eastern Europe ¢ the nature and scope of multiculturalism and its relation to conceptions of recognition ¢ the relations of liberalism to nationalism and racism ¢ the philosophical relation of ’the individual’ to national and other identities ¢ the debate between liberal and communitarian conceptions of personhood The book will thus be of particular interest to social and political scientists, philosophers and educationalists, as well as to anyone more generally concerned with contemporary issues of nationalism and racism.
This book demonstrates that both Western and Russian soft power are corrupting the traditions of Eastern Europe. To combat perceived Russian aggression, Eastern Europe must embrace Western institutions and philosophy, thus destroying its own traditional culture.
Do contemporary welfare policies reflect the realities of the economy and the needs of those in need of public assistance, or are they based on outdated and idealized notions of work and family life? Are we are moving from a "war on poverty" to a "war against the poor?" In this critique of American social welfare policy, Sanford F. Schram explores the cultural anxieties over the putatively deteriorating "American work ethic," and the class, race, sexual and gender biases at the root of current policy and debates. Schram goes beyond analyzing the current state of affairs to offer a progressive alternative he calls "radical incrementalism," whereby activists would recreate a social safety net tailored to the specific life circumstances of those in need. His provocative recommendations include a series of programs aimed at transcending the prevailing pernicious distinction between "social insurance" and "public assistance" so as to better address the needs of single mothers with children. Such programs could include "divorce insurance" or even some form of "pregnancy insurance" for women with no means of economic support. By pushing for such programs, Schram argues, activists could make great strides towards achieving social justice, even in today's reactionary climate.
This collection of essays evaluates Agamben's work from a postcolonial perspective. Svirsky and Bignall assemble leading figures to explore the rich philosophical linkages and the political concerns shared by Agamben and postcolonial theory.
Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Side of Everything
Author: Steven D. Levitt
Publisher: العبيكان للنشر
Category: Business & Economics
أيهما أشد خطراً، المسدس أم حوض السباحة؟ ما هي الأشياء المشتركة بين معلمي المدارس ومصارعي السومو؟ لماذا ما يزال تجار المخدرات يعيشون مع أمهاتهم؟ ما هو مقدار اهتمام الوالدين حقاً؟ ما هو تأثير قضية «رو» و«ويد» في جرائم العنف؟ قد لا تبدو هذه الأسئلة مثل الأسئلة النمطية التي يسألها الاقتصادي، لكن ستيفن د. ليفيت ليس اقتصادياً نمطياً؛ إنه عالم شجاع أكثر من أي شيء آخر، يدرس المادة والأحاجي في الحياة اليومية ــ من الغش والجريمة إلى الرياضة وتربية الأطفال ــ وتقوم استنتاجاته عادة على قلب الحكمة التقليدية رأساً على عقب. وغالباً ما يبدأ بتل كبير من المعطيات وبسؤال بسيط لم يطرح من قبل. إنه يهتم ببعض هذه الأسئلة مثل قضايا الحياة والموت، وبعضها الآخر ذو ميزات استثنائية دون شك. وهكذا يحتوي هذا الكتاب على حقل جديد من الدراسة، وهو (الاقتصاد العجيب). ومن خلال سرده للقصص الآسرة ومن النظرة العميقة غير المباشرة، يبين ليفيت وزميله ستيفن ج. دوبنر أن الاقتصاد -في جذوره- دراسة للحوافز ـــ كيف يحصل الناس على ما يريدون أو يحتاجون، لاسيما عندما يريد الناس الآخرون الشيء ذاته أو يحتاجونه. في كتابهما (الاقتصاد العجيب)، يشرع المؤلفان في استكشاف الجانب الخفي ـــ من كل شيء؛ الأعمال الداخلية لعصابة مخدرات، وحقيقة الوسطاء العقاريين، وأساطير تمويل الحملات. وقصص الغش لدى معلمي المدارس. وأسرار جمعية كوكلوكس كلان (العرقية). ومن هنا فإذا كانت الأخلاق تمثل كيف نريد للعالم أن يسير، فإن الاقتصاد يمثل كيف يعمل العالم فعلاً. صحيح إن قراء هذا الكتاب سيتسلحون بقصص وأحاجٍ تكفي لتروى في آلاف الحفلات، لكن كتاب (الاقتصاد العجيب) يستطيع أن يقدم أكثر من ذلك، إنه يعيد تعريف الطريقة التي ننظر بها إلى العالم الحديث تعريفاً حرفياً. العبيكان للنشر
The collapse of the bipolar international system near the end of the twentieth century changed political liberalism from a regional system with aspirations of universality to global ideological dominance as the basic vision of how international life should be organized. Yet in the last two decades liberal democracies have not been able to create an effective and legitimate liberal world order. In A Liberal World Order in Crisis, Georg Sorensen suggests that this is connected to major tensions between two strains of liberalism: a "liberalism of imposition" affirms the universal validity of liberal values and is ready to use any means to secure the worldwide expansion of liberal principles. A "liberalism of restraint" emphasizes nonintervention, moderation, and respect for others. This book is the first comprehensive discussion of how tensions in liberalism create problems for the establishment of a liberal world order. The book is also the first skeptical liberal statement to appear since the era of liberal optimism-based in anticipation of the end of history-in the 1990s. Sorensen identifies major competing analyses of world order and explains why their focus on balance-of-power competition, civilizational conflict, international terrorism, and fragile states is insufficient.
This study is an exercise in the history of political perception and opinion. It broke new ground in considering the decline of Liberalism through the eyes of Liberals themselves. By concentrating on what Liberal politicians said to one another and to their audience (public and private) a picture is built up of the frame of mind in which those responsible for guiding Liberalism faced a worsening world after 1914. The coming of the First World War was a critical element in forming that frame of mind; and the frame of mind was itself critical in deciding the fate of Liberalism in the post-war years. What emerges from this study is the paradox that the Liberal mind was the greatest single obstacle in the way of a Liberal revival.
In The Growth of the Liberal Soul, David Walsh confronts a core difficulty of the liberal democratic tradition in explaining and justifying itself. Acknowledging the incompleteness of liberal order as a theoretical explication of its underlying beliefs, Walsh analyzes contemporary debates about the foundations of liberal democratic politics. The widespread abandonment of the search for foundations by John Rawls, Richard Rorty, Michael Oakeshott, and the deconstructionists has been interpreted as signifying the absence of any sustaining inner resources. The result has been the confusion of contemporary liberal democratic self-understanding, which cannot make sense of its own extraordinary historical success nor apparently prevent the evident unraveling of its own moral code. It is this state of crisis from which Walsh's study takes its point of departure. Unique in combining contemporary political relevance with historical depth, The Growth of the Liberal Soul brings together two approaches that are often treated separately. Walsh elaborates on the existential core of the liberal political tradition by way of an investigation of the historical sources and the raging contemporary debates. While many scholars have been content to call attention to the dependence of liberal politics on transcendent faith, Walsh studies the progress of experiential reality by which that connection is concretely effected in life. The Growth of the Liberal Soul will be of interest to all readers, especially those interested in the relationship between religion and politics.